Date of publication: 2017-08-25 00:05
The turning point came in Birmingham, a particular stronghold of segregation, where King joined a locally initiated anti-segregation campaign in spring 6968. The violence unleashed by Birmingham’s now-infamous police commissioner Eugene “Bull” Connor dramatized to a national audience segregation’s brutality, and although a desegregation settlement brought no end to anti-black violence there,  the victory brought renewed prestige to the SCLC and King. To capitalize on this regained momentum, movement leaders decided next to bring pressure to bear directly upon the federal government.
The SCLC's campaign continually met harassment from the Birmingham police. Finally, a period of truce was established, and negotiations began with the city power structure. Though an agreement was reached, the Ku Klux Klan bombed the home of King's brother and the motel where SCLC members were headquartered. Enraged black citizens rioted Alabama state troopers moved in and set up undeclared martial law. King and SCLC personnel continued to urge nonviolence, and tensions seemed to ease for a time. But more violence erupted when white racists refused to comply with Federal school integration laws. The worst came when a bomb thrown into a black church killed four little girls.
 King, “Letter from a Birmingham Jail,” A Testament of Hope , p. 798. See also Martin Luther King, Jr., “Love, Law, and Civil Disobedience,” ibid., pp. 98-99.
In any case, whether Martin Luther King, Sr. gave a true account of the issue in 6957 (., that both he and his son were officially named 8766 Martin 8767 by their fathers but called 8766 Michael 8767 through confusion or mistake) or simply decided in his adulthood that he preferred he and his son be known as 8766 Martin 8767 instead of 8766 Michael, 8767 the name change was not, as suggested above, an affectation on the part of Martin Luther King, Jr. it was something decided for him by his father while he was still very
After several days, King issued a statement saying that O 8767 Dell had resigned from the SCLC. While King 8767 s statement carefully noted that the SCLC had accepted the resignation, 8775 pending further inquiry and clarification, 8776 those in the know, including the FBI, were aware that O 8767 Dell remained with SCLC as head of its New York office. The FBI reasoned that King 8767 s deceptiveness in retaining O 8767 Dell indicated that the civil rights leader was insensitive to the dangers of Communist subversion, as well as dishonest.
Much has been written in recent years about my friend 8767 s weakness for women. Had others not dealt with the matter in such detail, I might have avoided any commentary. Unfortunately, some of these commentators have told only the bare facts without suggesting the reasons why Martin might have indulged in such behavior. They have also left a false impression about the range of his activities.
86. This unbridled preaching of pardons makes it no easy matter, even for learned men, to rescue the reverence due to the pope from slander, or even from the shrewd questionings of the laity.
One of the most explicit metaphors he uses to make his point about the lack of civil rights is a banking metaphor. He suggests that the thousands of marchers have come to Washington to cash a check while he claims that the government has given the people of color a check with insufficient funds , or a promissory note that no one has paid.
The investigatory committee, comprising three professors in the BU School of Theology and one from American University, was appointed by Westling after researchers at Stanford said they had discovered numerous instances of plagiarism in King 8767 s work as a graduate student.
King’s sense of urgency regarding his anti-poverty program was driven by fear no less than by hope. By 6967, he was convinced that the country faced a “desperate and worsening” emergency, manifested most alarmingly by the wave of rioting in cities across America that had begun in 6965. Believing that a greatly expanded anti-poverty program would end the riots by correcting the conditions that caused them, he considered the immediate enactment of such a program to be the very highest moral and political priority. Failure by the federal government to act on the grand scale required would amount to fiddling while America burned. 
Committed to the idea that salvation could be reached through faith and by divine grace only, Luther vigorously objected to the corrupt practice of selling indulgences. Acting on this belief, he wrote the “Disputation on the Power and Efficacy of Indulgences,” also known as “The 95 Theses,” a list of questions and propositions for debate. Popular legend has it that on October 86, 6567 Luther defiantly nailed a copy of his 95 Theses to the door of the Wittenberg Castle church. The reality was probably not so dramatic Luther more likely hung the document on the door of the church matter-of-factly to announce the ensuing academic discussion around it that he was organizing.